Archives de Tag: Classe

Neoliberalism w…

Neoliberalism was constructed in and through cultural and identity politics and cannot be undone by a movement without constituencies and analyses that respond directly to that fact. Nor will it be possible to build a new social movement that might be strong, creative, and diverse enough to engage the work of reinventing global politics for the new millennium as long as cultural and identity issues are separated, analytically and organizationally, from the political economy in which they are embedded.
What the progressive-left must understand is this: Neoliberalism, a late twentieth-century incarnation of Liberalism, organizes material and political life in terms of race, gender, and sexuality as well as economic class and nationality, or ethnicity and religion. But the categories through which Liberalism (and thus also neoliberalism) classifies human activity and relationships actively obscure the connections among these organizing terms.

Lisa Duggan, The Twilight of Equality : Neoliberalism, Cultural Politics, and the Attack on Democracy, p. 3

The most succes…

The most successful ruse of neoliberal dominance in both global and domestic affairs is the definition of economic policy as primarily a matter of neutral, technical expertise. This expertise is then presented as separate from politics and culture, and not properly subject to specifically political accountability or cultural critique. Opposition to material inequality is maligned as « class warfare, » while race, gender or sexual inequalities are dismissed as merely cultural, private, or triv- ial. This rhetorical separation of the economic from the political and cultural arenas disguises the upwardly redistributing goals of neoliberalism—its concerted efforts to concentrate power and resources in the hands of tiny elites. Once economics is understood as primarily a technical realm, the trickle-upward effects of neoliberal policies can be framed as due to performance rather than design, reflecting the greater merit of those reaping larger rewards.
But, despite their overt rhetoric of separation between economic policy on the one hand, and political and cultural life on the other, neoliberal politicians and policymakers have never actually separated these domains in practice. In the real world, class and racial hierarchies, gender and sexual institutions, religious and ethnic boundaries are the channels through which money, political power, cultural resources, and social organization flow. The economy cannot be transparently abstracted from the state or the family, from practices of racial apartheid, gender segmentation, or sexual regulation. The illusion that such categories of social life can be practically as well as analytically abstracted one from another descends from the conceptual universe of Anglo- European Liberalism, altered and adapted to the U.S. context during the early nineteenth century (see chapter 1). While reasserting this ideology of discrete spheres of social life, in practice contemporary neoliberal policies have been implemented in and through culture and politics, reinforcing or contesting relations of class, race, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, religion, or nationality. The specific issues, alliances and policies have shifted over time and across differing locales, but their overall impact has been the upward redistribution of resources and the reproduction of stark patterns of social inequality.

Lisa Duggan, The Twilight of Equality : Neoliberalism, Cultural Politics, and the Attack on Democracy, p. XIV

Lors du tristement célèbre “9e colloque de recherche féministe de Barnard College”, en 1982, qui vit s’affronter les féministes anti-porno et les pro-sexe radicales, il me semble que ce projet queer a démarré sur un front et qu’il est temps d’y réfléchir d’avantage, en partant cette fois des sexualités catégorisées selon la race et la classe. […] Dans une contribution qui figure elle aussi dans l’anthologie publiée à la suite du colloque de 1982, Amber Hollibaugh expose crûment le problème de classe inhérent à l’analyse féministe de la sexualité :

« Chaque fois que j’ai dit dans des groupes féministes que j’avais été danseuse de boîte de nuit, j’ai eu bien plus honte que quand j’en parlais dans le milieu popu où j’ai grandit. Les expressions féministes de surprise ou d’horreur recouvrent des tas de suppositions : il fallait que je sois stupide pour ne rien avoir trouvé de mieux; on m’avait sûrement forcée à faire ce travail, ou alors j’étais trop jeune pour me rendre compte; j’avais une conscience pré-féministe; je vivais l’enfer dans ma famille et je ne supportais plus; j’étais une trainée, la preuve; et en définitive, je devais être rudement contente d’avoir été sauvée, non ? (16)

Ce bref aperçu des implications de la “conscience” pour les corps marqués par la classe peut sans doute éclairer les complications raciales qu’il s’agit de débrouiller à l’intérieur du féminisme.

(16) : Amber Hollibaugh, “Desire for the future : radical hope in passion and pleasure”, rééd. in Vance, Carole S., Pleasure and Danger, op.cit., 404.

Laura Alexandra Harris : “Féminisme noir-queer : le principe de plaisir”, in Black feminism – Anthologie du féminisme africain-américain 1975-2000, p. 202-203 (traduit par Oristelle Bonis)